Surabaldieva vs Tashiev: How Gender Stereotypes Shape Views of Politicians on Social Media
Earlier this year, 75 politicians and public figures sent an appeal to President Sadyr Japarov and then Speaker of the Jogorku Kenesh Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu, calling for an early presidential election. The Ministry of Internal Affairs opened a criminal case in connection with the appeal, which became publicly known as the “Letter of 75” case.
Among those charged in the case are former head of the State Committee for National Security (SCNS) Kamchybek Tashiev, former Prosecutor General Kurmankul Zulushev, former Speaker of the Jogorku Kenesh Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu, and other political and public figures. They were charged under the articles “Violent seizure of power” and “Abuse of official position.”
On June 15, the first open hearing in the case was held at Bishkek’s Pervomaisky District Court, with members of the media also attending. One of the moments that drew public attention was an argument between Kamchybek Tashiev and MP Elvira Surabaldieva, who testified as a witness.
Earlier, in an interview with a Kazakhstani blogger, Surabaldieva said that Tashiev had been removed from office because he was allegedly preparing a coup and trying to remove the president from power. Tashiev called this statement groundless and asked Surabaldieva to provide facts to support it. During the argument, both sides also mentioned their previous disagreements.
The dispute between the two politicians quickly spread across the internet through media reports and caused different reactions among the public. Some social media users supported Kamchybek Tashiev, while others defended Elvira Surabaldieva.
Using this case, we decided to examine how gender stereotypes and common social beliefs influence opinions about politicians.
For this purpose, we analyzed comments under Instagram* posts about the event published by Azattyk, Kaktus Media, AKIpress, and Super.kg, as well as comments under the teaser for journalist Semetey Amanbekov’s interview with Elvira Surabaldieva. In total, 3,202 comments were collected and analyzed using several categories.
*Instagram is one of the most popular social media platforms in Kyrgyzstan. By the end of 2025, the number of Instagram users in the country had reached 3.9 million.
Support, Discredit, and Political Criticism: Who Do Social Media Users Support and Criticize?
The main figures in this story, Elvira Surabaldieva and Kamchybek Tashiev, are well-known politicians in Kyrgyzstan. Surabaldieva is a Member of Parliament who has served for three terms. In the 2025 parliamentary elections, she received the highest number of votes in her constituency and was re-elected. Kamchybek Tashiev has been active in Kyrgyz politics for more than 20 years. Following the change of power in 2020, he was appointed Chairman of the State Committee for National Security (SCNS) and later became Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers. In other words, both politicians are widely known and have significant political influence.
The argument between the two politicians during the court hearing was widely discussed on social media, where users actively shared their opinions. Almost 80% of the 3,202 comments analyzed were directed at Surabaldieva and Tashiev. The remaining comments focused on the court case itself or other people involved in the trial.
Among the comments about Surabaldieva and Tashiev, we found messages supporting the politicians, trying to discredit them, criticizing their political activities, insulting them, or mocking them. There were also comments calling for violence or punishment, as well as comments containing threats.
The analysis shows that supportive comments were the largest category for both politicians. Of the 1,245 comments about Elvira Surabaldieva, 49% expressed support for her. Among the 1,248 comments about Kamchybek Tashiev, 44% supported him.
However, many users also criticized the politicians’ actions, their behavior during the court hearing, or linked their decisions to personal interests.
Almost one in five comments about Surabaldieva aimed to discredit her. Many of these comments mentioned the Kudaibergen Market and claimed that her work as a member of parliament mainly served the interests of the market.
«Has Surabaldieva done sh*t as an MP? She only fights to protect the auto parts market.»
It should be noted that Elvira Surabaldieva managed the Kudaibergen Market, which belongs to her relatives, between 2005 and 2015.
Political criticism of Surabaldieva mainly focused on her interview with a Kazakh blogger. Many users argued that she should provide evidence to support the statements she made during the interview.
Almost one quarter of the comments about Kamchybek Tashiev criticized his work as head of the State Committee for National Security and his behavior during the court hearing.
«When his people arrested, tortured, and took away businesses without evidence, why didn’t he speak about that?»
«Isn’t Tashiev the one asking the questions?»
Social media users also called for Tashiev to be arrested as part of the criminal case. Others mocked him by saying that his behavior had changed after leaving his position as head of the security service.
Finally, comments containing insults were directed at both politicians in almost equal numbers. These comments did not criticize their political decisions or actions. Instead, they attacked the politicians personally, often using offensive or insulting language.
«Your Surabaldieva is not mentally well.» — comment about Elvira Surabaldieva.
«A manipulative, lying lout.» — comment about Kamchybek Tashiev.
Gender stereotypes: Women politicians praised as “men,” men politicians insulted as “women”
Although Elvira Surabaldieva and Kamchybek Tashiev became the focus of public discussion because of the same event and received similar levels of support, criticism, and insults, the language used in comments about them differed significantly depending on their gender.
Overall, 16% of the comments about Surabaldieva contained gender-related language. In comparison, only 4% of the comments about Tashiev were gender-related.
As shown earlier, almost half of all comments about Elvira Surabaldieva expressed support for her. However, one in eight supportive comments linked her leadership qualities to masculinity. Users praised her by comparing her to male politicians or describing her as a “real man.”
«Ms. Elvira, you are stronger than many male MPs. Stay safe.»
«You can see that he is still trying to pressure her. The real man here is Elvira.»
«Elvira is a real male MP.»
«Surabaldieva has balls of steel.»
Some users also described Surabaldieva as «er zhürök,» a common Kyrgyz idiom meaning «brave» or «courageous.» Literally, the expression translates as «a man’s heart» (er — «man,» zhürök — «heart»). However, in modern Kyrgyz it is commonly used to describe any fearless person, regardless of gender. Therefore, such comments were not included in the gender-related category.
Overall, users positively evaluated Surabaldieva for speaking openly and showing courage and determination. At the same time, these qualities were presented as typically masculine, and many users praised her by comparing her to male politicians.
Gender expert Baktygul Islanbekova says this reflects institutional inequality that has existed for centuries. According to her, because men have historically dominated politics and key decision-making institutions, leadership in society has largely become associated with men.
“For many years, men have dominated political decision-making, and male leadership has been more widely accepted and encouraged. As a result, politics has largely come to be seen as a male domain, while qualities associated with political leadership are automatically viewed as ‘masculine.’ When a woman politician demonstrates professionalism, strength, or leadership, these are often seen not simply as her individual qualities, but as qualities that make her ‘like a man.’ As a result, even when a woman becomes a leader, she is still judged against a male standard,” Islanbekova says.
In contrast, many insulting comments directed at Surabaldieva used gender-specific slurs aimed at women. These included the Kyrgyz words «katyn» and «kanchyk,» as well as the Russian words «suka» and «shalava.»
«I get angry every time I see this katyn.»
“This katyn just won’t shut her mouth.”
Originally, the Kyrgyz word katyn simply meant «wife» or «woman» in Turkic languages. Today, however, its meaning has changed in both Kyrgyz and Kazakh, and it is now commonly used as an insulting word for women. Kazakh scholars Sh. Kurmanbaiuly and M. Adilov argue that this change was influenced by several factors, including the spread of the Arabic-derived word ayal («woman»), the Russian contrast between zhenshchina («woman») and baba («a rude term for a woman»), and Soviet language policy. As a result, a word that was once neutral gradually became offensive.
Similarly, the Kyrgyz word kanchyk and the Russian word suka literally refer to a female dog or a female wolf. In everyday language, however, they are widely used as insults directed at women. According to the project This Is Sexism, the Russian word suka is often used against outspoken and independent women as a way of silencing them.
«We support Tashiev. The government should take this kanchyk’s market away.»
«Did someone pay this suka?»
In addition, some comments promoted traditional gender roles, arguing that a woman’s place is not in politics but at home cooking, while others accused Surabaldieva of gossiping, describing it as a typically female behavior.
Some users also criticized not her political position or actions but her appearance, calling her «ugly.» Others focused on her age, saying that «she has gotten old,» or commented on her personal life by asking questions such as «Is she married?» and «Does she have children?»
At the same time, some users described Surabaldieva as «beautiful» or «gorgeous.» However, these positive comments also focused mainly on her appearance rather than on her political work or professional achievements.
Comments about Kamchybek Tashiev also focused on his appearance. However, most of them were about his weight loss, and only a few were written in a mocking tone.
“Tashiev has lost weight.”
“Poor Tashiev, his belly has gone down.”
Gender expert Baktygul Islanbekova explains the focus on women politicians’ personal lives, appearance, and family status by pointing to the different expectations society places on women and men.
“Society generally has different expectations of women and men. While men are expected to be successful and strong leaders, no matter how much women achieve, people tend to be more interested in their families. No matter how much a woman contributes to society, if she does not have a family or children, she will inevitably be judged for it,” Islanbekova says.
Comments about Tashiev also reveal the expectations society places on male politicians. Overall, almost half of the 47 gender-related comments about Kamchybek Tashiev were linked to the idea of a “real man.” In most of these comments, social media users praised Tashiev by calling him a “man,” while in others they demanded that he behave “like a man.”
“Kamchybek Tashiev has done a great job. He made those who had taken away the rights of the Kyrgyz people return the money and contributed to the state budget. Tashiev is a real man. Well done.”
“If he was the first to arrive, it means he knew about the planned attack. HE SHOULD ADMIT HIS GUILT LIKE A MAN. That is what he himself used to tell others. But now he does not want to do it and makes childish excuses. He openly tells the judge what to do. This is pressure.”
At the same time, the word “katyn,” discussed above, was also used to insult Kamchybek Tashiev. Such comments made up one quarter of all gender-related comments about him. In these cases, comparing a man to a woman was used to damage his reputation and humiliate him.
“It is disgusting to look at him. He is like a shouting katyn.”
“How low Tashiev has fallen, shouting like a fishwife.”
In some comments, Tashiev was not directly called a «katyn,» but the fact that he argued with a woman was presented as something that damaged his authority.
“Tash aga has become very petty. By arguing with a woman, he has lowered his own authority. People no longer trust him.”
In addition, some comments directed at Tashiev were based on gender stereotypes, such as “don’t argue with a girl” and “a general should not argue with a woman.” In these comments, a man arguing with a woman was seen as inappropriate for his status and inconsistent with “masculine” behavior.
Only one comment about the former head of the SCNS referred to his personal life. The author jokingly imagined the two politicians as a married couple and wrote:
“They would make a powerful couple if they got married.”
Overall, gender stereotypes appeared four times more often in comments about Surabaldieva than in comments about Tashiev. The comments also focused on her appearance, age, family status, and how well her behavior fit “traditional” gender roles. Tashiev, on the other hand, was mostly judged based on expectations of how a man and a male leader should behave.
Gender expert Baktygul Islanbekova notes that gender-based online bullying against women politicians may affect not only the individual woman targeted, but also women’s participation in politics more broadly.
“Today, through quotas, we are trying to encourage more women to run for local councils and strengthen their leadership and participation at the local level. However, some women face pressure through their families. For example, people may approach their husbands and say, ‘Has your wife become more powerful than you?’ or ‘Why don’t you keep your wife under control?’ If women already face such barriers in real life, in the digital space people feel even freer to attack and discredit them. This is not limited to one particular woman. For example, people may not know Elvira Surabaldieva personally or have enough information about her politics, work, or achievements, but still target her with gender stereotypes simply because she is a woman. All of this creates additional barriers to women advancing their political careers,” Islanbekova says.
Hate Speech: Insults, Calls for Violence, and Demands for the “Death Penalty”
As the examples above show, the comments under posts about the argument between Elvira Surabaldieva and Kamchybek Tashiev also contained a large amount of hate speech.
According to UN Women, hate speech refers to any form of expression — spoken, written, or behavioral — that attacks, discriminates against, or insults a person or a group based on characteristics such as religion, ethnicity, race, gender, or other aspects of their identity. Sexist hate speech includes messages that spread, encourage, or justify hatred based on gender.
Overall, one in five comments about MP Elvira Surabaldieva contained hate speech. Among the comments about Kamchybek Tashiev, the figure was one in seven.
As discussed above, users widely used gender-based slurs against Surabaldieva, including the Kyrgyz words «katyn» and «kanchyk,» as well as the Russian words «baba» and «suka.» Users also criticized her for giving an interview to a Kazakh blogger, calling her a «traitor,» «agent,» and «partisan,» and insulting her by describing her as a «gossip.»
“Surabaldieva is nothing. She’s a traitor.”
“Women are always gossiping. They talk without knowing the facts, just to cover their own ass. 😂”
In addition, some comments directed at Surabaldieva justified or encouraged violence. During the 2020 political upheaval in Kyrgyzstan, an unidentified man assaulted Surabaldieva in Ala-Too Square and verbally abused her. Some social media users referred to this incident in the comments to justify the attack, while others called for similar violence to happen again.
«That old man was right to hit you back in 2020.»
«Bring that old man back and let him punch Surabaldieva again.»
Some comments went even further by calling for violence against Surabaldieva, including statements that she should be shot and comments encouraging sexual violence.
Some users also left threatening comments, warning Surabaldieva to stay quiet. In some cases, the threats were explicit, while in others they were implied.
«Don’t lose your head because of your tongue! There are people ready to shut you up!»
«Elvira, watch your tongue, or one day it will be the end of you.»
In comments about Kamchybek Tashiev, users also used insulting words such as «dickhead,» «idiot,» «clown,» «shameless,» and «jackal.» As discussed above, some users also called him «katyn» to insult and humiliate him.
«Tash is an idiot. He should be imprisoned.»
«Tashiev is shameless. Even in court, he is showing his true character.»
Some comments also linked Tashiev to criminal activity by calling him a «bandit,» «organized crime group (OCG) general,» and «thief.»
«Tash has become nothing but a bandit.»
«A thief will deny everything until the very end. Well done, Elvira.»
«They should arrest all the Tashiev OCG members, including Tomas. OCG general.»
As these examples show, some users called for Tashiev to be imprisoned. Others expressed even more extreme views, saying that the death penalty should be introduced for Tashiev or that he should be executed. Some comments also encouraged the use of physical violence against him.
The death penalty has been abolished in Kyrgyzstan since 2007.
As the examples in this article also show, insults, threats, and calls for violence circulate widely in the Kyrgyz-language segment of social media, where hate speech is actively used. Girls and women are particularly affected. According to a study conducted by the Ombudsman’s Office and the Center for Support of Women, more than 70% of respondents said they had encountered hate speech on social media at least once.
This raises another question: How effectively can major technology companies that operate social media platforms detect and moderate hate speech in Kyrgyz?
Elmira Aman, a member of the Aikyn Sanarip Coalition for Content Moderation and Freedom of Expression, says Meta and YouTube are still not effective enough at detecting and moderating hate speech in Kyrgyz. According to her, moderation of Kyrgyz-language content works significantly worse than in the English- or Russian-language segments.
One of the main reasons is that Kyrgyz is considered a low-resource language in the digital space. As of July 1, 2026, only 0.0016% of the world’s websites contained content in Kyrgyz, according to W3Techs. Meta, TikTok, and YouTube use AI-based automated systems to detect and remove harmful content. However, because Kyrgyz-language data and training datasets are limited, these systems face difficulties in detecting hate speech written in Kyrgyz.
According to Aman, however, the problem is not limited to the amount of available data. Automated systems do not always fully understand local context, dialects, and linguistic specificities. In addition, major technology companies do not invest enough in low-resource languages such as Kyrgyz.
“One of the main reasons is the limited availability of digital resources, databases, and training materials in Kyrgyz. Automated systems also do not sufficiently take into account local context and dialects. Another reason is that platforms do not invest enough in low-resource languages, including Kyrgyz,” Aman says.
Detecting hate speech in Kyrgyz also requires taking the specific characteristics of the language into account. Like many languages, Kyrgyz has synonyms, slang expressions, and dialects. In addition, because of the historical influence of Russian during the Soviet period, many users mix Kyrgyz and Russian. This creates hybrid expressions such as “podletster” (the Russian insult podlets, meaning a vile or dishonorable person, combined with the Kyrgyz plural suffix -ter) and other forms of online hate speech. As a result, detecting and classifying hate speech in Kyrgyz is more complicated than simply translating offensive words from other languages.
For this reason, Aman argues that effectively detecting hate speech in Kyrgyz requires not only expanding Kyrgyz-language datasets, but also developing algorithms that take local context into account and involving Kyrgyz-speaking experts in the process.
You can find the content analysis methodology here.
The style and spelling of the comments used in this article have been preserved as they appeared in the original.
Author: Chynargul Zhumabekova
This story was produced with the support of Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)’s Media Fellowship on Digitalisation and Feminist Digital Rights and Justice.
